KINGSTON, Jamaica, January, 1800.
The Planters of Jamaica constitute no longer the
over-ruling oligarchy, or "Plantocracy," that they once actually were,
and are still somewhat insolently designated in the bitterness of party
spirit Poverty may not have humbled their pride or changed their belief;
in their own homes and on their own estates, and in public whenever an
opportunity offers, they wage, under different guises the old war
against free labor. But as a political body, with power to sway the
destinies of the island, they no longer live. One after another the
relics of the system of coercion to which they clung have been swept
away. Their complaints have been disregarded -- their petitions have
been ungranted -- until, in despair or disgust, they have almost
altogether retired from the contest, and left the field open to their
undisguised and uncompromising opponents.
The Planters of Jamaica, it may be thought, have not
had a full measure of justice meted out to them. They, especially, and
far beyond all other West India planters, have had to bear the brunt of
the Anti-Slavery attack. But this is not a little owing to the
persistency of their own hostile attitude, to their misrepresentations,
to the selfishness of their aims, and to the mistakes of their policy.
It is a curious and instructive study to track the
decline of the old West Indian plantocracy; and though I have attempted
such an invidious task in a former letter from Barbados, I must, to make
myself understood, attempt it again with special regard to the Jamaica
proprietary. Throughout many changes, social and political, the same
selfishness will be found at the root of all their schemes; the same
disregard of truth in their statements; the same opposition to popular
freedom, progress and enlightenment in their acts. It was on the grounds
of humanity that, in the commencement of the present century, they
opposed the abolition of the Slave-trade. They urged that there was an
annual decrease of two and a half per cent, among the negroes, and that
if the same quantity of labor should continue to be exacted as the
number of slaves diminished, the loss would be greater every year, and
would augment with accelerated rapidity. The unfriendliness of Slavery
to population was a strong argument in the mouths of slave traders. If
the Slave-trade was abolished the sugar estates of Jamaica, it was
prophesied, would be dismantled within thirty years, and the 130,000
negroes, then engaged in the culture of the cane, would be utterly
extinct! The planters of the day, when they petitioned Parliament, based
their grounds for r[???]dress on the expense of the Slave system which
prevented them from competing, without a constant supply of fresh labor,
with those colonies and countries in which the African Slave-trade had
not been abolished.
Twenty-five years later -- when Parliament, in
obedience to the tremendous pressure of public opinion at home, formally
declared its determination to abolish Slavery in the West Indies -- the
planters essayed to demonstrate the cheapness of slave labor as
compared with the free labor about about to be introduced. Emancipation,
they said, would ruin them, and preclude any competition with countries
where Slavery continued to exist It is not to be wondered at that the
planter thus argued. He was the owner of the slaves who cultivated his
property. It was a matter of doubt whether he would be compensated for
them at all in the event of abolition. Under the old regime be was not
compelled to make the weekly disbursements that the new order of things
would demand; and he could still go on hoping that a rise in sugar would
furnish him with means to liquidate his most pressing debts. He dreaded
a change that would certainly expose his bankruptcy.
During all this time the prosperity of Jamaica was
on the decline. The exportation of sugar had gradually decreased from
150,000 hhds., in 1805, to 86,000 hhds. in 1833. It was not emancipation
or the thought of emancipation that dragged down the island so suddenly
from the pinnacle of its prosperity. The deterioration progressed
slowly. Between the years 1814 and 1832 the coffee crop was also reduced
one-half; and during the fifty years that preceded emancipation it is
estimated that 200 sugar estates were abandoned. The planters say that
the fear of impending abolition induced them to withdraw capital from
their estates. But abolition was not dreamt of when the decline of
Jamaica set in. While the Slave-trade was yet in operation over 100
properties had been deserted -- deserted, too, for the same cause that
compelled their desertion in later years -- debt and want of capital.
Sugar cultivation, it is hardly necessary to say, to
be carried on with profit to the proprietor, and ordinary chances of
ultimate success, requires an enormous capital -- not only at the
outset, but to provide against the losses that unfavorable seasons very
frequently entail. I cannot do better than transfer here, from Mr.
EDWARDS' History of the West Indies, a picture of Jamaica sugar
cultivation sixty years ago. Himself a planter, a slaveholder, and
opposed to the abolition of the Slave-trade, the author represents that
the estates at that time were very much understocked with slaves, and
speaks of a West-India property "as a species of lottery," giving birth
to a spirit of adventure, and awakening extravagant hopes, too
frequently terminating in perplexity and disappointment. Mr. EDWARDS
proceeds to say:
"The total amount of the annual contingent charges
of all kinds (on an estate yielding 200 bids, of sugar) is $#163;2,150,
which is precisely one-half the gross returns, leaving the other moiety,
or $#163;2,150, and no more, clear profit to the planter, being seven
per cent. on his capital, without 5 charging, however, a shilling for
making good the decrease of the negroes, or for the wear and tear of the
buildings, or making any allowance for dead capital, and supposing,
too, that the proprietor resides on the spot; for, if he is absent", he
is subject in Jamaica to an annual tax of £6 per cent. on the gross
value of his sugar and rum for legal commissions to his agent. With
these and other drawbacks, to say nothing of the devastations which are
sometimes occasioned by fires and hurricanes, destroying in a few hours
the labor of years, it is not wonderful that the profits should
frequently dwindle to nothing; or, rather, that a sugar estate, with all
its boasted advantages, should sometimes , prove a mill-stone about the
neck of its unfortunate proprietor, which is dragging him to
destruction. * * * It were to be wished that people would inquire how
many unhappy persons have been totally and irretrievably ruined by
adventuring in the cultivation of these islands without posscssing any
adequate means to support them in such great undertakings. On the
failure of some of these unfortunate men, vast estates had money at
command; men there are who reflecting on the advantages to be derived
from this circumstance, behold a sugar-planter struggling in distress
with the same emotions as are felt by the Cornish peasants" in
contemplating a shipwreck on the coast and hasten with equal
rapaciousness to participate in I tie spoil. Like them, too, they
sometimes hold out false lights to lead the unwary adventurer to
destruction, more especially if he has anything considerable of his own
to set out with. Money is ad[???]eed and encouragement given to a
certain point, but a skillful practitioner knows where to stop; he is
aware that very large sums must be expended in the purchase of the
freehold, and in the first operations of clearing and planting the lands
and erecting the buildings, before any return can be made. One-third of
the money thus expended he has, perhaps, furnished; but the time soon
arrives when a further advance is requisite to give life and activity to
the system by the addition of the negroes and the stock. Now then is
the moment for oppression, aided by the letter of the law, to reap a
golden harvest. It the property answers expectation and the land promise
great returns, the sagacious creditor, instead of giving further aid,
or leaving his too confident debtor to make the best of his way by his
own exertions, pleads a sudden and unexpected emergency, and insists on
the immediate repayment of the sum already lent. The law on this
occasion is far from being chargeable with delay -- and avarice is
inexorable. A sale is hurried on and no bidders appear but the creditor
himself. Ready money is required in payment, and every one sees that a
further sum will be wanting to make the estate productive. Few therefore
have the means, who have even the wish, efficaciously to assist the
devoted victim. Thus the creditor gets the estate at his own price,
commonly for his first advance, while the miserable debtor has reason to
to thank his stars if, consoling himself with only the loss of his own
original capital and his labor for a series of years, he escapes a
prison for life.... At the same time it cannot be denied that there are
creditors, especially among the British merchants, of a different
character from these that have been described, who, having advanced
their money to resident planters, on the fair ground of reciprocal
benefit, have been compelled, much against their inclination, to become
planters themselves; being obliged to receive unprofitable West India
estates in payment, or lose their money altogether. I have known
plantations transferred in this manner which arc a burthen instead of a
benefit to the holder; and are kept up solely in the hope that favorable
crops, and an advance in the prices of West Indian produce, may some
time or other invite purchasers. Thus oppression in one class of
creditors, and gross injustice towards another, contribute equally to
keep up cultivation in a country where, if the risks and losses are
great, the gains are commensurate.... In this, as in all other
enterprises where success depends in any degree on human sagacity and
prudence,though perhaps not more than one man in fifty comes away
fortunate,every sanguine adventurer takes for granted that he shall be
that one. Thus his system of life becomes a course of experiments; and
if ruin should be the consequence of his rashness, he imputes his
misfortune to any cause, rather than to his own want of capacity or
foresight."
This is a picture of Jamaica cultivation sixty years
ago, when sugar was sold for treble the price that it will now command.
Nor is it so unlike the cultivation of the present day that it cannot
be recognized, for half a century has brought to the Jamaica planter but
little knowledge of the labor-saving arts. The evils, however, which
were then only taking root, have since overshadowed the Island.
Hypothecation, rendered necessary by the expenses of the Slave system,
and the extravagance of the planters, increased so fast that nine out of
ten estates, at the time of Emancipation, were mortgaged far beyond
their value. The creditors were English merchants who vainly tried to
keep up the cultivation of the property that reverted to them. How could
they do so? Estates that yielded an average annual income of seven per
cent., with the proprietor resident, could not, with the proprietor
absent, pay attorneys and overseer, and still be worked at a profit.
Many proprietors tried the impossible experiment and failed, while their
agents and overseers made money, or ultimately bought in the estate at a
nominal cost. Many proprietors have since tried the experiment, and
have failed, and will continue to fail as long as they neglect the
common teachings of experience. They will attribute their failure to any
but the right cause. They shut their eyes to the fact that, in times
past and in times present, the successful estates in Jamaica have always
had, and have still, resident proprietors. Absenteeism, it is true, is
lees prevalent now than it was about the period of Emancipation. A
resident proprietor may be found to-day for every non-resident But the
seeds of the evil were sown years and years ago, and the fruit must be
reaped. No country, since the world was made, were its resources tenfold
greater than those of Jamaica, could continue to prosper with the large
body of its landed proprietary permanent absentees. And even those who
were nominally residents usually passed half the year in Europe, and
spent their money there. England was always their home, and Jamaica
merely a place out of which the most was to be made. I feel it almost a
p[???]agiarism to enumerate these causes of the decline of Jamaica, they
have been so often[???] spoken of by other writers -- they are so
perfectly obvious to any unprejudiced inquirer after truth, They were
evils sufficiently serious to ruin the Island had Emancipation never
taken place. They exhausted capital and destroyed credit, and without
these it would be impossible for any country to flourish. Since
Emancipation, this want of capital has been the chief cause of an
unceasing depression. The sum received by the planter for his slaves was
insufficient to pay off his mortgages; he had no money to improve his
estate or keep it up in bare cultivation; he had no money to keep roads
in repair or build tramways; he had no money to pay for labor; he had no
money to meet misfortune. What was the inevitable consequence? His
mortgages were foreclosed; he reduced his cultivation; he sold small
lots to settlers to meet pressing wants; the roads were so bad that the
transportation of sugar to the shipping port became one of his heaviest
items of expenditure; the laborers whom he neglected to pay went
elsewhere; the day of misfortune came and overwhelmed him with ruin. He
was bankrupt before Emancipation; but it was Emancipation hat [???]ore
down the veil which concealed his wretched poverty. I speak generally,
for I do not doubt that there were many exceptional cases. Many of the
three hundred estates in cultivation at the present day are exceptions.
There were planters who continued to cultivate sugar after Emancipation
-- who were successful then and are successful still -- and since 1853,
when the general abandonment of estates may be said to have ceased in
Jamaica, the number of these successful planters has considerably
increased. I need not pause to explain that they were all man of
capital, and that their properties were economically managed, for both
assertions are proved to demonstration by the fact that only first-class
estates arc in cultivation to-day.
ut the old Plantocracy steadily and fatally
ignored, in early as in later times, the real causes of the island's
decline. They shrunk from the idea of putting their own shoulders to the
wheel. In the days of their prosperity they never faced labor; in the
days of their adversity they did not face misfortune.
If they thought freedom the worst system of labor in
the world, their manhood should have taught them to make the most of
what was done and could never again be undone. They would not give it a
fair trial, but preferred to gee their heritage pass away without a
living struggle to redeem it. They have complained loudly enough, and
have waited in the modest expectation that the Government of England
would wrong the people of England to relieve them. They expected a
restoration of protective duties on sugar, and the imposition of a heavy
tax on the British nation, in order that they, who gave nothing in
return, might live in sumptuous and easy luxury. They have iterated and
reiterated the false accusation that the negro won't work, in order to
raise up a seeming justification for themselves, and they have done all
they could to bring him again under a yoke of coercion. By these means
they succeeded in keeping morbidly alive the Anti-Slavery spirit of the
British people, and of fanning into flame a philanthropic zeal that, I
do not hesitate to say, has proved injurious to the best interests of
Jamaica. If, instead of toying to create sympathy for their class by the
false assertion that the negro would neither work for love or money,
they had simply urged a want of labor, there cannot be a doubt that,
like the Mauritius, Guiana, or Trinidad, Jamaica at this day would have
an ample population.
I don't deny that the planters of Jamaica have had
misfortunes to contend with. It was their misfortune that they inherited
a system of labor that demanded extravagant expenditure. It was their
misfortune that Slavery so deeply degraded labor, that, even under
Freedom, the effect of such a curse could not speedily be removed. It
was their misfortune that, within the century prior to Emancipation,
there were over thirty servile insurrections in the Island, each one of
which entailed a heavy expense upon the proprietary, and, in some cases,
brought them to the verge of ruin. It was their misfortune that, with
the rise and progress of the United States, Jamaica lost the prominent
position the once occupied as a depot for the trade between Europe and
the Spanish Main, and that a large amount of commercial capital was thus
withdrawn from the Island. It was their misfortune that their expenses
were aggravated by the mistaken policy of the Imperial Government, which
placed restrictions and prohibitions on the Colonial trade with the
American Republic. It was their misfortune that they were never
adequately paid for their slave property. It was their misfortune that
they found themselves compelled to mortgage their estates -- that their
debts continued to increase -- and that when an unfavorable season
overtook them they lifted up their eyes in hopeless bankruptcy. It was
their misfortune that among the Island merchants they found too many
like those whom, sixty years ago BRYAN EDWARDS likened to Cornish
wreckers. It was their misfortune that, between 1815 and 1825, the price
of their great staple fell twenty-five per cent. -- that between 1825
and 1835 it fell another twenty-live per cent. -- and that between 1835
and 1850 it fell twenty-live per cent. yet again. It was their
misfortune that the British nation would no longer consent to be taxed
to support them, and that the protective tariff upon West India sugars
should have been abolished by the law of 1846. It was their misfortune
to have been distrusted at home and abroad, and to have been the victims
of a jealousy that refused for years to Jamaica, alone of all the
British West Indies, the privileges and the advantages of a wholesome
immigration.
But it was their fault that, under the most
expensive system of labor known, they were ever reckless and
improvident. It was their fault that they prosecuted a precarious
business in the spirit of reckless gamblers. It was their fault that
they wasted this substance in riotous living. It was their fault that
they obeyed not. the commonest rules of political economy -- that they
saved no labor and spared no land. It was their fault that they faced
not labor themselves, but were absentees from their estates, and
followed a road that could lead to no possible end but ruin. It was
their fault that they listened to no warning -- that they heeded not the
signs of the times -- that they refused all schemes for gradual
emancipation, and even for ameliorating the condition of the slaves,
until the crushing weight of public opinion broke the chain of Slavery
asunder, and threw suddenly upon their own resources an ignorant and
undisplined people. It was their faults of policy and government that
drove the Creoles from plantations, that left the population in
ignorance, that discouraged education, and kept morality at the lowest
ebb. It is their fault that, under a system of freedom from which there
is no relapse, they have made no brave attempt to redeem past errors and
retrieve past misfortunes, but have been content to bemoan their fate
in passive complaint, and to saddle the negro with a ruin for which they
themselves are only responsible.
This was the old Plantocracy -- the generous,
hospitable, improvident, domineering Plantocracy of Jamaica. Their power
no longer predominates. They command no credit and no respect, and they
obtain but little sympathy in their misfortune. Even from domestic
legislation they have sullenly retired, and their places are being fast
filled by the people whom they have so long and so vainly tried to keep
down. I am not going to rush into extravagant admiration at the change,
or at popular government as developed in Jamaica. The mass of the
inhabitants are still too ignorant to exercise the franchise with
discretion, and all are more or less imbued with the prejudices of
caste. But imperfect and defective as it is, Representative Government
in Jamaica is greatly preferable to the oligarchy of a Planter's reign.
The interests, moral, political, and educational, of the people, are
more cared for, and in their progress, much more than in the success of
large plantations, the permanent prosperity of the Island most assuredly
depends.
Nor are the new class of resident planters who have
appeared in Jamaica within ten years past by any means to be passed over
in silence. They work their estates with prudence and economy, though
they lack the advantages that latter-day science has given to American
and Cuban proprietors. Capital and labor are both needed, but the art of
economizing labor is needed still more. A Louisiana planter makes twice
the quantity of sugar from an acre of land that a Jamaica planter does.
Nevertheless, it is a fact, of which I have had ample proof in all
carta of the Island, that many Jamaica planters who look after their own
business have relieved their estates from incumbrance, and are, even
now, malting handsome fortues. Since 1858 as many properties have been
resuscitated as abandoned; and I regard it as one of the most favorable
signs of improvement that the work of regeneration, however small its
commencement, has been at least inaugurated by NEW MEN.
W.G.S.
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